How & # 039; net neutrality & # 039; it became a hot topic
How & # 039; net neutrality & # 039; it became a hot topic
For a fundamentally nerdy subject, the neutrality of the network is pushing many political buttons.
The latest salvo is about a California law that restores the ban on cable, wireless and other broadband providers to prevent people from using their favorite applications and services. The federal government had rescinded that ban, and the Trump government is trying to block California's effort as an imposition on federal prerogatives.
Although the neutrality of the network began more than a decade ago as an idea of how to make networks work more efficiently, lately it has acquired much larger social and political dimensions. The issue emerged as an antitrust gathering point and even a focus for "resistance" to the Trump administration.
"Every time the cable companies and the Trump administration are on one side, it seems good that the companies are on the other side," said Boston Law School professor Daniel Lyons.
But the idea has not always been political or partisan. Net neutrality goes back to an engineering maxim called an "end-to-end principle," a self-regulating network that places control in the hands of end users rather than a central authority. Traditional cable television services, for example, require special equipment and control which channels are shown on television. With an end-to-end network such as the Internet, the types of equipment, applications, articles and video services allowed are limited only to the imagination.
And, subsequently, the Internet grew as a nobody's business, largely because it was not anyone's business.
But as the use of the Internet expanded, so did the power of the large companies that offer Internet services to the masses. It was clear that they could, and sometimes would, restrict what people did. The Associated Press discovered in 2007 that Comcast was blocking or slowing file sharing. AT & T blocked Skype and other Internet calling services on the iPhone until 2009.
Law professor Tim Wu, now at Columbia University, coined the term "network neutrality" in 2003 to defend government rules that would prevent large Internet providers from discriminating against technology and services that clashed with other aspects of the Internet. your business Allowing such discrimination, he reasoned, would stifle innovation.
The big telecommunications companies, on the other hand, argue that they should be able to control the pipes they built and owned.
The Federal Communications Commission signed the principle of net neutrality for more than a decade and enshrined it as specific rules in 2015 under the presidency of Tom Wheeler, a person designated by Obama. Among the rules, broadband companies could not block websites and applications of their choice. Neither could they charge Netflix and other additional video services to reach viewers more fluently.
Once President Donald Trump took office, the neutrality of the network became one of his first goals as part of a broader governmental deregulation. The president of the FCC he appointed, Ajit Pai, made the reversal a top priority.
And so, the neutrality of the network became increasingly political. As a vote loomed for months, the once-obscure concept was debated endlessly in talk shows and online chats. The great Hollywood producer, Shonda Rhimes, tweeted a link to a story about how to save net neutrality on her lifestyle website. Actor Mark Ruffalo urged people to get in touch with members of Congress through tweets "Live videos of cute dogs on YouTube! #RIPinternet."
The debate created strange bedfellows: the support for net neutrality comes from many of the same people who also criticize the technological giants who take advantage of the data and benefit from it.
However, with regard to the neutrality of the network, these technology companies became the "good guy" and sided with the youngest "digital first" generation and the consumer groups asking for more protection. It does not matter that these companies keep their own commercial interests at heart, since a reversal of net neutrality could mean higher access costs to the "pipelines".
The politicians launched into the debate to make it appear friendly to the consumer.
"No politician will lose votes by supporting the neutrality of the network," said Gus Hurwitz, a law professor at the University of Nebraska and a member of the conservative group The Federalist Society. "It's an ill-defined term that voters do not really understand, other than that it's a scary concept that they know they do not want to lose."
Meanwhile, ISPs have not done themselves any favors to attract the consumer. They have long had a reputation for poor service and high prices. Unlike high-profile support for net neutrality, opposition was limited to lobbying behind the scenes.
However, the FCC reversed the net neutrality rules last December in a 3-2 vote on the party line. The decision came into effect in June.
The fight is likely to continue.
Several technology companies, including Mozilla and Vimeo, are challenging the FCC's decision in a federal appeals court. That is separate from the challenge to California law, which is pending until the technology companies' demand is resolved. Oral arguments in the case of technology companies are expected in February.
Oregon, Washington and Vermont have also passed laws related to network neutrality.
And a Democratic takeover of the House of Representatives in Tuesday's midterm elections could revive efforts to enact net neutrality in federal law, although Trump would likely veto any such attempt.
"Net neutrality is only the fifth round of a 12-round boxing match," said Wedbush Securities CEO Dan Ives.
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