Trump Is No & # 039; Isolationist & # 039;
Trump Is No & # 039; Isolationist & # 039;
While the world was paralyzed by the drama of the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi, the Trump administration last week went ahead with some of the most dramatic changes in US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War.
President Trump's foreign policy is not isolationist. It is ambitious, interventionist and global. After almost two years of trying that the three revisionist powers -China, Russia and Iran- can not, at least for now, be separated, the government is preparing to face them all at once.
This means, above all, intensifying competition with China. In the two weeks since Vice President Mike Pence's speech, which outlined the US's far-reaching strategy to contain Beijing, the government has not stopped: the trade war has intensified; Mr. Trump announced the withdrawal of the United States from a postal services treaty of 1844 that, in his opinion, gives Chinese carriers unfair advantages; and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo traveled to Panama to warn the leaders of that country against the Chinese diplomacy of the debt trap.
Perhaps more surprising to some of its critics is the increasingly harsh line of the Trump administration against Russia. In the same week that Mr. Trump announced the US withdrawal from the intermediate-force Nuclear Forces Treaty, citing Russia's non-compliance, a US aircraft carrier visited the Russian Arctic for the first time in nearly 30 years. Meanwhile, A. Wess Mitchell, the Undersecretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, described a new era of competition between the United States and Russia in a speech on Thursday at the Atlantic Council.
"From the Baltic to the Adriatic, through the Balkan Peninsula and the Caucasus, the rivals of the United States are expanding their political, military and commercial influence. Russia is again a military factor in this region, after the invasions of Georgia and Ukraine. "Beyond the border, in the countries of Central Europe, Russia uses tactics of energy manipulation, corruption and propaganda to weaken Western nations from within and undermine their ties with the United States," Mitchell said. He continued to acclaim "Ukraine, Georgia and even Belarus" as a "bulwark against Russian neo-imperialism" and noted greater US support for their independence and sovereignty.
The storm over relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia has not deterred the administration from intensifying its campaign against Iran. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin is still flying to Riyadh to coordinate the economic actions of the United States and Saudi Arabia to isolate Tehran. I know. UU They are still scheduled to re-impose their most powerful sanctions against Iran on November 5.
Traditionally, countries aimed at confronting opponents seek to strengthen their alliances. This has not been the focus of the Trump administration. Without mentioning Germany by name, Mr. Mitchell harshly criticized his relations with Russia and Iran: "We hope that those whom the United States helps not to compete with our rivals." Western Europeans can not continue deepening the energy dependence of the same. Russia against which the United States defends it, or enrich itself in the same Iran that is building ballistic missiles that threaten Europe. "
However, Mr. Mitchell also pointed to a greater participation of the United States in Europe that Berlin should welcome. He noted that "many of the closest allies of the United States in Central Europe operate corruption networks and state companies that manipulate the system in favor of China and Russia." Joint efforts of the United States and the European Union to stabilize democracy in Central and Eastern Europe Countries could help to give the old transatlantic alliance a new chance at life.
As Mr. Trump's ambitious foreign policy takes shape, the hopes of the Jeffersonian realists of an EE. UU With a more internal vision and less committed are fading. Instead of reducing US military commitments abroad, Mr. Trump is doubling in them. Instead of abolishing the Private Investment Corporation Abroad, Mr. Trump has expanded it. Although the administration's stalemate in the Khashoggi affair attracted widespread criticism, human rights are returning to the agenda as the administration attacks China for its repression of the Uyghurs, Tibetans and Christians.
Can the Trump administration unite a deeply divided country behind a costly, risky and ambitious foreign policy agenda to block the goals of the determined rivals of the United States? And can your strategy work?
There are skeptics. Earlier this month, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that the Trump government's threats to penalize European companies that trade with Iran are "a great strategic error" born of a central sense of US power. "I think this is a typical mistake made by any empire," Putin said, when he believes "so strong and stable that there will be no negative consequences, but no, they will come sooner or later."
Maybe. We can not know in advance if President Trump's exaggerated foreign policy enterprise will end in triumph, tears or somewhere in between. But he seems determined to change the international system as thoroughly and as disruptively as he has done with US policy.
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