Is the Trump administration moving away from Saudi Arabia?
Is the Trump administration moving away from Saudi Arabia?
Defense Secretary James Mattis delivered a clear line on Yemen on Tuesday: "Within thirty days we want to see everyone around a peace table based on a ceasefire."
Speaking at the US Institute of Peace UU., He said that the measure would be based on stop bombs that allow the special envoy, Martin Griffiths. . . Arrive [the warring sides] Together in Sweden and let's end this war. "
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo echoed him.
"The United States is asking all parties to support the UN special envoy, Martin Griffiths, to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in Yemen," Pompeo said on Tuesday. "It's time to end this conflict."
For its part, the government denies that the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi has forced his hand; The coalition led by Saudi Arabia is the main US-backed actor in the conflict.
"Khashoggi's murder," Mattis told former George W. Bush national security adviser Stephen Hadley, who has been considered for administration, at Tuesday's event in Washington. "I would separate it from the situation in Yemen."
However, the changing political tide around the US relationship with Saudi Arabia is unmistakable: from traditional hawks and Saudi defenders like Sens. Lindsey Graham and Marco Rubio to foreign policy resisters such as the Sens. Rand Paul and Mike Lee, there is an emerging consensus on a setback.
The White House, which made Riyadh the cornerstone of its Middle East policy, is now on the defensive. The pro-Saudi tactic has its continuing advocates, including perhaps more prominently, social media connoisseurs Group of strategic studies , which has supported the Trump White House. In Yemen, SSG keeps it transactional: "The United States and its allies around the world have an indispensable interest in keeping the Bab el-Mandeb Strait open to energy shipments," Brad Petty, the group's vice president, told me. "A ceasefire in Yemen is fine if it only achieves that goal." He warned of the persistent danger of "the Iranian power forces that make up one side of this civil war."
Clearly, with the possible implications of Mattis-Pompeo's announcement, the current course's defenders rush to defend him from the last blow; In Riyadh, the players of power who have allied with the crown prince of the kingdom hope to await the current furor.
But the strategic alliance between Washington and Riyadh is now clearly up; The Yemen announcement is just the latest blow to the administration's policy.
"Mattis and Pompeo are finally recognizing the reality: there is no military solution to the civil war in Yemen and there is no strategic reason for the participation of the United States," said retired lieutenant-colonel Danny Davis of The defense priorities told me. "If the Trump administration is really serious about the thirty-day deadline, it must call for the end of US support for Saudi Arabia's military campaign, anything short of that will simply perpetuate US involvement and spread the brutality. civil war ".
As I have reported2018 has represented a setback for the hard line that the administration pursued in its first year in power, when it effectively supported the start of the blockade of Qatar in Saudi Arabia that began in the summer of 2017. That blank check extended to the continuation of The Saudi war in Yemen that began under President Barack Obama.
A Trump government presses to end the war in Yemen -Originally, a project of the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and initiated while serving as defense minister - would represent an important result for the great designs of the kingdom, acted quickly after the shocking victory of Donald Trump in 2016. Mattis persuaded key lawmakers not to act last spring before a critical vote in Yemen, preventing the government from receiving an embarrassing rebuke.
For the White House, these are still treacherous waters. In the case of Jamal Khashoggi, who was killed at the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, the administration could be investigated, especially if the Democrats win the House next week. More than fifty members of Congress have asked the administration to release any evidence of prior US knowledge about Saudi Arabia's effort to kill Khashoggi.
"In weighing the merits of military cooperation between the United States and Saudi Arabia," said numerous lawmakers, including Representative Walter Jones, in a letter to the Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats. Other crosses on the right include the Charles Koch Institute . The letter continues: "It is imperative that members of Congress have a complete and detailed knowledge of the intelligence community's knowledge of Saudi actions and their potentially harmful impact on the well-being of residents and citizens of the United States. like any US intelligence failure activities that may have contributed to the unnecessary loss of lives. "
This effort could open some dark rooms. Not just for the Trump administration. A broader investigation could put the United States' partnership with Saudi Arabia in the last two decades under a relentless microscope: some critics across the political spectrum continue to question the level of Complicity of the Saudi government In the attacks of September 11, 2001. At this moment, the impetus to get the United States out of the bloodshed in Yemen, at least, is growing.
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